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Title: Issues/Health/Tobacco/Advocacy/Pro-Tobacco/Critiques - ACLU and Big Tobacco Secret documents reveal ACLU ties to the tobacco industry. Find out how taking $1,000,000 from the tobacco industry may have changed the ACLU's positions.
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Smokefree Network Login: [SIGN UP] Email Password (Forgot Password?) SECRET DOCUMENTS REVEAL ACLU. TOBACCO INDUSTRY TIES

SECRET DOCUMENTS REVEAL A.C.L.U. TOBACCO INDUSTRY TIES

WEDNESDAY NOVEMBER, 13th, AT 10 A.M.Secret memos detailing how the American Civil Liberties Unionworks as a hired gun for the Tobacco Industry will be revealed at apress conference on Wednesday, November 13th, 10 a.m, at 132 West43rd Street (bet. 6th & Broadway), outside the A.C.L.U.. For thefirst time, the memos expose an intentional A.C.L.U. cover-up of aquid pro quo - direct work for funding - relationship with PhilipMorris and R.J. Reynolds, the world's two largest tobaccomanufacturers.The confidential documents detail how the A.C.L.U., the76-year-old sacred cow of American liberalism and defender of theBill of Rights, has received over $1 million dollars in combinedfunding from the two tobacco giants in exchange for aggressiveadvocacy on their behalf. The A.C.L.U.'s work for cigarette companydonations is in direct conflict with its status as a tax-exempt,non-profit institution.Investigative journalist and former A.C.L.U. employee, John Fahs,author of the Berkley Publishing Group's new book, CIGARETTECONFIDENTIAL: THE UNFILTERED TRUTH ABOUT THE ULTIMATE AMERICANADDICTION, will distribute the internal A.C.L.U. documents at thepress conference. Joe Cherner, President of SmokeFree EducationalServices, will describe his experience with the A.C.L.U.'s refusal tosupport non-smokers rights.In 1993 major news headlines reported the A.C.L.U.'s acceptance ofcigarette money but the agency denied any link between funding andtheir defense of tobacco industry issues. These secret memos not onlyreveal a clear conflict of interest but also demonstrate a concertedcover-up and campaign of disinformation after the acceptance ofcigarette money had been brought to light.NY Coalition for a Smoke-Free CityFOR RELEASE: WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 13, 1996MEDIA ADVISORYCONTACT: Cynthia Malmuth: (212) 744-7476Tina Mosetis: (516) 487-5866Joe Cherner: (212) 912-0960 :SMOKEFREE EDUCATIONAL SERVICES, INC. 375 South End Avenue, Suite 32F New York, NY 10280Phone (212) 912-0960 Fax: (212) 488-8911Statement of Melvin L. WulfI was legal director of the national ACLU from 1962 to 1977. Ihave practiced law in New York since that time. This is the firstcritical word I've had to say publicly about the Union, to whoseprinciples I am still deeply attached I do so now because theinformation in "Cigarette Confidential" about the receipt of largeamounts of money by the Union from the tobacco industry threatens thebasic integrity of the ACLU. The justification that the money is usedto support workplace rights is a sham. There is no constitutionalright of smokers to pollute the atmosphere and threaten the health ofothers. The revelations in the book support the conclusion that theACLU's mission is being corrupted by the attraction of easy moneyfrom an industry whose ethical values are themselves notoriouslycorrupt and which is responsible for the death annually of 350,000 to400,000 persons in the US alone. I am saddened by the fact that theACLU allows itself to be used in this manner. The ACLU board ofdirectors has an obligation to take stern steps to protect the Unionfrom further corruption of its values.REMARKS AT ACLU/TOBACCO TIES PRESS CONFERENCETHEN (Before Tobacco Money)The ACLU did not oppose banning cigarette advertising on TV andradio. The ACLU did not oppose warning labels on cigarette packages orprint ads.The ACLU did not oppose prohibiting cigarette sales to minors. The ACLU did not oppose smokefree workplace laws. The ACLU did not oppose nicotine being regulated as a drug. The ACLU did not oppose counter-advertising. The ACLU did not oppose tombstone advertising.NOW (After Tobacco Money) The ACLU opposes FDA rules to regulate nicotine as a drug andplace restrictions on cigarette ads aimed at minors.The ACLU opposes legislation to prohibit or restrict tobaccoadvertising and promotion. The ACLU opposes legislation for new, larger warning labels. TheACLU opposes legislation that would strip the tax deductibility oftobacco advertising. The ACLU opposes Congressman Waxman's smokefreepublic places bill. The ACLU ignored employee pleas and a petitionfor a smokefree workplace. The ACLU does not believe that tobacco advertising entices youngpeople to smoke.The ACLU does not oppose life insurance companies discriminatingagainst smokers by charging them more for life insurance (threetobacco companies own life insurance subsidiaries that charge smokersmore for life insurance).The ACLU opposes campaign finance reform that would limit softmoney donations (tobacco companies rank among the largest soft moneydonators).The ACLU turned a blind eye to attempts by cigarette makers tosilence whistle blowers, such as Jeffrey Wigand. (Nadine Strossenclaims the ACLU doesn't have the resources).The ACLU- NY Affiliate opposed New York City legislation torequire counter-advertising on all City property where tobacco isadvertised, even though the ACLU previously called for suchlegislation.-----------------------------------------------------------------WHAT WE FIND MOST OFFENSIVE1. The ACLU has taken over $1,000,000 in donations from thetobacco cartel, while at the same time, allying itself with thetobacco industry on capitol hill.2. Lew Maltby deceitfully writes to ACLU's supporters that "nosingle donor contributes a significant portion of our income." Maltbyfails to mention that his smokers' rights department receives 90% ofits funding from the tobacco cartel.3. The ACLU refuses to tell its members that it solicits andaccepts tobacco money. In a memo to Ira Glasser, Jim Shields (of theACLU's North Carolina affiliate) shows the secrecy of tobacco money:"My microfiche shows a September 1991 $1,000 RJR donation to ACLU-NJfoundation. I imagine RJR forgot to ask for anonymity."4. In a handwritten fax to Ira Glasser, Jim Shields displays thenecessity of tobacco money: "My affiliate will end up $30K in the redthis year if we do not receive the RJR support."5. The ACLU refuses to open to the public or reporters portions ofits 1994 board of directors meeting pertaining to tobacco issues.6. The ACLU's positions and rhetoric is almost identical to thetobacco cartel's. One memo to Ira Glasser cites the need for"effective slogans" and "pithy phrases." As code words for smokers'rights, both groups use "workplace privacy" and "lifestyle choices."7. For 3 years, the ACLU has refused to answer our questions abouttheir positions on a number of tobacco related issues.8. Lew Maltby flew to Copenhagen on the tobacco industry's behalfto attend a smokers' rights convention.9. Lew Maltby flew to Winston Salem on a corporate jet to meetwith five RJR executives for a formal strategy session aboutcoordinating ACLU/RJR efforts. After his trip, Maltby writes Glasser,"The discussions were very candid. I explained my belief thatsmokers' rights is a losing issue and must be broadened into ageneral campaign to protect people's privacy... "10. Lew Maltby lobbied ACLU affiliates on commercial freedom ofspeech issues which was out of his workplace task-force jurisdiction.In a memo to Glasser, Maltby writes, "Josh Slavit of Philip Morrisrecently called me to discuss the possibility of increasing theACLU's involvement with defending commercial speech... PM would bewilling to provide funding for such a program. This would be inaddition to our ongoing funding for workplace privacy. They providedthe funding for our Mississippi affiliate's recent conference on freespeech."11. Lew Maltby appealed to his North Carolina affiliate to ask aNorth Carolina state senator to write a letter to Philip Morrispraising the ACLU for it work on behalf of smokers' rights. Maltbyfelt that such a letter would be influential in securing additionalfunding.12. Lew Maltby constantly meets with tobacco representatives tocoordinate State efforts for passing smokers' rights legislation.13. Invoices for conferences, newspaper ads, radio ads, andfulfillment of ad responses are constantly forwarded by the ACLU toPhilip Morris14. The ACLU ignored our repeated attempt to ascertain itsposition on Henry Waxman's smokefree workplace bill. In a memo to IraGlasser, Maltby states, " I put in a call to PM's Washingtonoffice... (I didn't want to raise our profile by calling Waxman'soffice)."15. The ACLU claims that no one influences its agenda, but tobaccocompanies frequently controlled the agendas at brainstorming meetingswith Lew Maltby.16. The ACLU held strategy seminars for local affiliates andallies on smokers' rights issues and submitted vouchers to PhilipMorris for reimbursement.17. The ACLU allowed Philip Morris to produce a solicitationbrochure for Philip Morris' mailing list. The brochure, entitled"Should the people who run your office tell you how to run yourlife," never mentioned Philip Morris' name and used the ACLU's returnaddress for contributions and literature. In a memo to Ira Glasser,Lew Maltby writes in favor of the campaign, "Philip Morris providesno general contributions to the ACLU. .. This is a golden opportunityto raise badly needed funds. We should capitalize on it."18. The ACLU's relationship with the tobacco cartel is too cozy.The ACLU has rolled out the red carpet for the tobacco industry andhas given it first class treatment.19. The ACLU has tried to get as much money as possible from thetobacco cartel and even considered compromising its ideas to get moremoney.20. The ACLU's board of directors includes lawyers from firmsrepresenting tobacco companies in wrongful death suits, publicity,and other tobacco related matters. Clearly, this is a conflict ofinterests.21. On several occasions, Glasser suggests using the ACLU'srelationship with Board Member David Waxse to open doors at PhilipMorris. Waxse works for Philip Morris' main legal firm in wrongfuldeath suits, and, according to Glasser, has great relationships withChuck Wahl and Steve Parrish (Philip Morris' in house legal chiefs).22. The ACLU claims that none of its tobacco money is for issuesdirectly related to tobacco company interests, while memos show fundsspecifically earmarked by Philip Morris for seminars on smokers'rights.23. Glasser claims that the ACLU "never seeks or accepts fees forits services." Internal memos show that the ACLU sought and acceptedtobacco money for specific tobacco related projects. It evensubmitted invoices and expense vouchers to the tobacco giants.24. Glasser and Maltby constantly made misleading statements tothe press and its members about the ACLU's close relationship to thetobacco cartel.25. RJR agreed to fund an ACLU public opinion research project for$450,000. Ira Glasser claims that the research has no connection totobacco-related issue, but American Talk Issues (the company hired todo the research) backed out because "this simultaneous advocacy ofsmokers' rights and the acceptance of RJR's grant will have veryunfortunate public relations ramifications. At the very least, itputs a cloud over ACLU's status as an objective crusader forindividual human rights, rather than just another lance for hire."26. Philip Morris scheduled Lew Maltby to meet with a Japanesejournalist interested in the issue of smoking in America. PhilipMorris set the agenda and a secretary wrote to Maltby, "I would liketo know if you have any favorites (restaurants) before booking areservation."CONCLUSIONThe ACLU has been caught with its hands in the cookie jar. Itappears that the ACLU has changed a number of its positions ontobacco related issues since the acceptance of tobacco money. LewMaltby and Ira Glasser frequently discuss ways for the ACLU to getmore tobacco money. Maltby has become so addicted to tobacco moneythat he even contemplates further bending of ACLU positions toaccommodate the tobacco cartel.In a memo to Sandy Sedacca (ACLU Fundraising Dept.), Maltby writesthat Philip Morris wants a report from him describing ACLU"accomplishments... " "in terms of smoking restrictions." Maltbyadds, "I will have a rough draft completed by the end of the week."Later in the memo, Maltby asks, "To what extent are we prepared toexpand our definition of the issue? PM would clearly love to have ustake a position that people should be able to smoke at work and inpublic buildings. . . If we were to do so, it would have asignificant impact on their (funding) decision..."Rather than ask what is the proper decision, Maltby writes, "Thecrucial question, however, is whether the benefits of taking anexpanded position are worth the costs. We have taken a great deal ofheat over our present position. The reaction to an expanded positionwould be far worse."Lew Malt by's department would be out of business if not fortobacco cartel funds. As Maltby, himself, writes in a thank youletter to Philip Morris, "As you know, this is not the type ofglamorous issue that attracts major donors... "If the ACLU wants to continue fighting for the tobacco cartel, itshould immediately cease the acceptance of tobacco money. This document's URL is: http://www.tobacco.org/News/aclu11.96.html***********************Go To: Tobacco BBS HomePage / Resources Page / Health Page / Documents Page /Culture Page / Activism Page***********************END OF DOCUMENT HomeHeadlinesInternational NewsNews BriefsQuotesSubscribeAdsInfo PagesDocumentsGeneralGraphicsHealthHistoryRendezvousLinksSmokefree.net Search News results per page Home | News | Quotes | Subscribe | Info Pages | Printable News Articles Copyright by their respective owners. 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$1,000,000

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Secret documents reveal ACLU ties to the tobacco industry. Find out how taking $1,000,000 from the tobacco industry may have changed the ACLU's positions.

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