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Title: Issues/Warfare and Conflict/Specific Conflicts/Afghanistan Civil War/US Intervention - Dawn Raids Stoke Fires of Resentment Rory McCarthy reports on mounting anger of Afghan citizens at the US military presence. The Guardian, UK. (October 8, 2002)

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Dawn raids stoke fires of resentment

In his final report one year from the beginning of the US campaign he finds mounting anger at the military presence

Rory McCarthy in Aab Khiel, south-eastern Afghanistan The Guardian, Tuesday October 8 2002 It was night when the American military helicopters landed in the dry cornfields around the village of Aab Khiel. Within minutes dozens of soldiers surrounded the small cluster of mud and brick homes, and the house-to-house search began. "When they came to my house they didn't knock on the door, they just forced their way in," said Qarimullah, 28, a young farmer in the village, recalling last week's raid. "They broke the locks on the doors and our safe boxes. They took my camera and they threw all our clothes on the floor. They said they were looking for al-Qaida but why did they come into our houses like this? This is not right." When America began Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan a year ago it was largely welcomed. At last the west was promising to bring peace and reconstruction to a country run by warlords and ravaged by drought and 20 years of conflict. But slowly Afghans have grown resentful of the thousands of US troops. The bitterness is especially deep in the southern Pashtun tribal lands, where the Stars and Stripes flies above isolated and heavily fortified bases in areas that were once the Taliban's heartland. Many Afghans, including powerful commanders, want them out. Complaints of US army patrols becoming heavy handed in the past month have come from several villages in the south-east, particularly around the towns of Khost and Gardez. They say the soldiers have confiscated satellite telephones, passports, house and car documents and even family photographs. No one was arrested Aab Khiel last week and no trace of al-Qaida was found. The operation succeeded only in turning the village solidly against the US military presence. "They took my satellite telephone to their base at Bagram," said Mir Ullah, a trader living in the village. "They told us they would give it back but they gave us no receipt and they never returned it. The Americans told us we were using the phone to contact Osama bin Laden and the Arabs. But that's just not true." Further east, close to the Pakistani border, Wali Badshah described how Afghan soldiers backing up the US patrols stole 45,000 Pakistani rupees from his house in the village of Kagow "They took out four boxes holding our savings. They threw the boxes back at us but they kept the money. I went to the Americans to complain but I still don't have my money back." Like the Russians These new voices of criticism have reached the grey-brick compound in Khost where the provincial government is base and Mohammad Khan Gulbaz is a senior official representing President Hamid Karzai's national government, which is publicly still effusive in its support of the US military presence. Mr Gulbaz, however, is distinctly frustrated. "The Americans are not doing well. If this carries on they will begin to seem like the Russians," he said. Khost was one of the strongest areas of mojahedin resistance during the Soviet occupation of the 1980s. "I have tried to explain to the Americans in more than 10 meetings that they should not carry on like this. But they are not listening. The people of Khost are religious people and they should not be bothered like this." He believes the problems began when paratroopers from the 82nd airborne division were sent to Khost and Gardez to take part in patrols and raids which, until then, had been the preserve of highly experienced US special forces troops. Several special forces soldiers have privately criticised the 82nd airborne's raids as clumsy and careless. Publicly the army denies that there is a problem. The south-east is a legitimate target for military operations: it was one of the Taliban's strongest support bases and housed several al-Qaida training camps, including those attacked in 1998 by US cruise missiles. US troops suffered heavy casualties in a month-long operation against Taliban and al-Qaida fighters outside Gardez in March. Major Steve Clutter, a spokesman at the US military headquarters at Bagram, admitted that there had been an internal investigation into the conduct of the 82nd airborne's raids but said no evidence of wrongdoing had been found. He dismissed the criticism from the special forces as "inter-services rivalry". Desolation "We want our soldiers to show respect for the Afghan people and we certainly hope that they are," he said. "If there are any complaints we will look into this." It does not take costly assessment missions by aid agencies to understand the resentment of villagers in areas such as Khost. South-east from Kabul the paved road runs as far as Gardez. The next 100 miles are a backbreaking five-hour drive on an pitted unmade track. There is not one school, hospital or clinic on the way. Khost's once-famous timber industry is on its knees. Yet not one cent of the promised $4.5bn (£3bn) reconstruction money has been spent on the area, despite the west having to work harder there than perhaps anywhere else to win over the religiously conservative and fiercely independent Pashtuns. "The Americans came to Afghanistan to get rid of al-Qaida. Now they cannot help us any more and they should leave," said Bacha Khan Zadran, a renegade warlord and former mojahedin commander based in Khost province. He and other Pashtuns are deeply resentful of the western-backed government in Kabul, which they regard as biased against them. There is no doubt that the Loya Jirga, the grand council in June which decided the shape of the new government, failed to correct the continued dominance of the Northern Alliance, the largely ethnic Tajik commanders from the north who took the capital after the Taliban fled last November. Pashtuns tend to consider themselves the natural rulers of the country and complain that they have little influence in the current administration. "The government is only working for one group of people," Mr Zadran said in an interview in a mountain hideout near the Pakistani border, conducted by satellite telephone. In the past year he has carried out a string of raids against pro-government commanders in Gardez and Khost. Last month at least 15 people were killed and 50 injured in Khost when he tried to recap ture his positions. "There will be a lot more fighting in Khost because the government is making a big problem here," he said. Although Washington backs the government in Kabul, the US military has recruited, armed and paid 600 of Mr Zadran's soldiers to help them patrol the south-east. In Kabul the US, Britain and the UN have allowed the Northern Alliance to cement its power under Mohammad Fahim, the defence minister, who promoted himself to field marshal earlier this year. The creation of a multi-ethnic national army has stalled but Marshal Fahim's own force of Tajiks, largely from the Panjsher Valley, has grown substantially. At the same time Mr Karzai, who is a Pashtun, is looking increasingly vulnerable. He replaced his ethnic Tajik bodyguards with US special forces soldiers earlier this year and last month narrowly survived an assassination attempt blamed on Taliban remnants. Two weeks ago a Kabul newspaper, the Payame Mujahid Weekly, which represents Marshal Fahim's Panjsher faction, openly criticised Mr Karzai and told him to "correct his policies". Many western officials privately accept that the dominance of the Northern Alliance is a destabilising force. "The Loya Jirga was really a missed opportunity. The west played it too safe," an aid worker with more than 10 years experience in Afghanistan said. "It is unsustainable for the Panjsheris to run the country. Now I don't see a way out for the next 10 years that doesn't result in more conflict." This growing swell of Pashtun resentment may take time to surface. There is no obvious Pashtun leader who unites the tribes in the southern half of the country. Some believe an alliance of Islamist leaders, less extreme than the Taliban, may take up the role. Across the border in Pakistan, which has always been a natural ally of the Pashtuns, there are fears that a revolt in the south may yet split Afghanistan in two. "Everything is going wrong in Afghanistan and we are moving towards a division of the country," said Salman Ahmad, a retired Pakistani intelligence colonel. "For 250 years the Tajiks have not been in power and now for the past 10 months they have put them in Kabul. Everything is going against history and culture." In Aab Khiel the villagers are again beginning to talk fondly of the days of Taliban rule. Few believe the west is still the saviour of Afghanistan.

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Dawn raids stoke fires of resentment

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Rory	McCarthy	reports	on
mounting	anger	of	Afghan	citizens
at	the	US	military	presence.
The	Guardian,	UK.	(October	8,
2002)

http://www.guardian.co.uk/afghanistan/story/0,1284,806525,00.htm

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Rory McCarthy reports on mounting anger of Afghan citizens at the US military presence. The Guardian, UK. (October 8, 2002)

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