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TRADITIONAL RELIGION IN AFRICA: The Vodun phenomenon in Benin
TRADITIONALRELIGION IN AFRICA:THEVODUN PHENOMENON IN BENIN BarthélemyZINZINDOHOUE INTRODUCTION Ifit can be said that homo faber preceded homo sapiens, both thesestages of humanity were borne by homo religiosus, an essential feature ofman since the arousal of his consciousness. Indeed the religious phenomenon isnot limited to a cult or an established link with the transcendent, but springsfrom the awareness of finiteness which gives rise to the need for thetranscendent. Consequently, all men are religious, even if some are more
religious than others, and the manifestations of human religiosity are numerousand owe much to the cultures of which they are the soul. Inthe specific case of the cultures of South Benin (West Africa), whosereligious soul I wish briefly to present here, it appears that this is to befound in a convergent way in the phenomenon of Vodun. Most of thepeoples of South Benin have very similar if not identical cultural roots, andalmost the same historical origin. This is why the religious phenomenon in thisgeographical region is manifested most fully in Vodun (or Orisha,with the Nago or Yoruba peoples). Vodundesignates a venerated and adored divinity. It also defines the whole social,psychological and supernatural structure surrounding this popular sort ofreligiosity. Indeed, Vodun permeates everything. Before Christianity, onecould see how all the social fabric, starting with the family, was imbued by it.This reality justifies the fact that the first missionaries in our region werenot dealing with areligious human beings. The difficulties they encountered,conversions made without deep cultural roots and their tendency to throw localculture and cults into the same dustbin of "deviltry", leads us todayto reflect anew on the Vodun phenomenon which continues and constitutes achallenge to the New Evangelisation. Wewill start by presenting it through a phenomenological approach. Then a briefexplanation of what Vodun actually consists of will precede a criticalappreciation of its functionality. Lastly we shall stress the need today toevangelise culture through a better rediscovery of its true identity. PHENOMENOLOGICAL APPROACH DIVINITY AS CONCEIVED BY THE AJA-FON Mawu, the Supreme God TheSouth Bénin cultural area of the Fon, Gun, Mina and Ewe peoples ischaracterized by a similar conception of divinity: belief in the existence ofGod is general. This God, recognized as the Supreme Being, as Transcendent, isreferred to by the term Mawu. According to the testimony of Fr. PaulFalcon "everyone professes the existence of a Supreme Being who created‘the trees and the ropes’, a Fon idiomatic expression which means everythingthat exists… This Supreme Being is called Mawu". That God is thecreator of the universe, of mankind and of all that exists is generallyaccepted. And this notion of God existed among these peoples before the arrivalof the great monotheistic religions (Christianity, Islam). With the Fon,for example, this god Mawu is also named Sêgbo lisa, Dada Sêgbo, Sêmêdo orGbêdoto depending on whether one is stressing the creation (Mawu, Dada-Sêgbo),the principle of being (Sêmêdo) or life (Gbêdoto). Butif there is no doubt at all about the Supreme God Mawu in the mentality of thesepeoples, where do the very popular practices of Vodun come from? Toanswer this question means showing the existing relationship between Mawuand Vodun. The relationship between Mawu and Vodun Theabsolute transcendence attributed to Mawu does not allow one to conceive of hisrelationship of immanence with humanity. Yet the human spirit needs arelationship of salvific proximity, of easy access to the Supreme Being. Andsince creatures manifest the Creator, man finds sacred forces in certainphenomena or situations that are beyond his understanding. It is through thisvision of the world that Vodun emerges. Forthe people of South Benin, Mawu is good, but he does not concern himselfdirectly with man; he is omnipotent but has delegated his power to the Vodun(s).Hence the Vodun(s), recognized as Mawu’s creatures, according to theFon expression "Mawu wê do Vodun lê", are Mawu’srepresentatives among men, signs of the divinity’s immanence in response tothe spiritual desires of mankind. In this sense, Vodun designates allthat is sacred, all power coming from the invisible world to influence the worldof the living, everything that is mysterious. For this reason, it is explicitlydistinct from Mawu. But we find that there is no actual worship of the latter inthe tradition, except certain spontaneous prayers or references such as "Mawuna blo" (God will act), "Kpê Mawu ton" (may Goddecide thus) used on different occasions. The Vodun(s) receive theworship because of their proximity to man compared to Mawu. Divine qualities areattributed to them, characterised as the spirits they are considered to be aboveall natural laws. All these attributes are the work of Mawu. Examining theinternal dynamics of the Vodun pantheon will give a clearer idea of thedependent relationship the Vodun(s) have with Mawu. Types of Vodun Itwould be a vain enterprise to claim to enumerate the types of Vodun or toclassify them exhaustively. Mgr. Robert Sastre tried to tackle the question in LesVodun dans la vie culturelle, sociale et politique du Sud-Dahomey. HonoratAguessy did the same thing in Cultures Vodun, Manifestations – Migrations– Métamorphoses (Afrique, Caraïbes, Amériques). With this importantbackground, in our approach we will focus on the mystical origin of the Vodun(s)as proposed by Fr. Mêdéwalé Jacob Agossou in Gbêto et Gbêdoto. Firstly,the Vodun(s) are considered as the sons of Mawu, God the Creator. Hereare the seven most important of these: Sakpata: This is the eldest son of Mawu to whom the earth was entrusted: "Ayi Vodun", the Vodun of the earth. His power is feared and terrifying. His attributes are the arm of smallpox, scissors, a chain and black, white and red spots. Sakpata has many sons, including the Vodun of leprosy (Ada Tangni), and of incurable sores (sinji aglosumato). Xêvioso (or Xêbioso): This is the Vodun of the sky (Jivodun) who manifests himself in thunder and lightning. He is Mawu’s second son and is considered a Vodun of justice who punishes thieves, liars, criminals and evil-doers. His attibutes are the thunderbolt, the double axe, the ram, the colour red and fire. Xêvioso has several sons including Sogbo, Aklobè, Avlékété. Agbe: This is the Vodun of the sea (Tovodun). He is also known as Hu. He is represented by a serpent, a symbol of everything that gives life. One of his powerful children is Dan Toxosu who manifests himself in the birth of monster babies. Gu: This is the Vodun of iron and war. He gives man his different technologies. He is the Vodun who does not accept complicity with evil. Therefore he is capable of killing all accomplices in acts of infamy if he is appealed to. This is expressed by the Fon saying "da gu do". Agê: This fifth son of Mawu is the Vodun of agriculture and the forests. He reigns over animals and birds. Jo: This Vodun is characterized by invisibility. He is the Vodun of the air. Lêgba: This is Mawu’s youngest son. He received no endowments at all because all had already been shared out among his elders. He is jealous, and it is he who loosens the rigid structure of the pantheon. He is the Vodun of the unpredictable, of what cannot be assigned to any other and he is characterised by daily tragedies; all that is beyond good and evil.
AlongsideMawu’s sons, one finds other Vodun(s) that are protectors of equallyimportant clans. These are the Toxwyo: eponymous deified ancestors. Theymaintain a link between the invisible world and human beings in their dailylives. Fromthe above, we can classify the Vodun(s) as follows: Inter-ethnic Vodun(s) linked to natural phenomena: Jivodun: Xêvioso; Ayivodun: Sakpata; Tovodun: Agbe. Inter-ethnic Vodun(s) linked to historical-mythical persons: Lêgba, Gu. Ethnic Vodun(s): Akovodun (Agasu for the Houégbajavi of Abomey). The Toxwyo are in this category. Modern Vodun(s): These Vodun(s) are mainly from Ghana. They are Goro who protects against witchcraft, and Koku, the Vodun of the occult powers of violence. Afterthese investigations, it seems important to ask the question: so what exactly isVodun?
Itcan be said that the Vodun(s) constitute a special class of Mawu’sliving creatures. They are above mankind, but they are not "God". Letus recognise, together with Fr. Barthélemy Adoukonou and all the others, thatdefining Vodun is not an easy task, even for Vodun adepts. Fonexpressions like: "Vodun gongon", "Vodun d’ablu"(Vodun is deep, Vodun is obscure) say it all. This is why, as Mgr.Robert Sastre said, we must refer to the social and cultural context which givesrise to Vodun in order to grasp what Vodun really is. THE "THEODICY" OF VODUN AND ITS SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS Inview of what has been said above, certain questions arise: due to the practicalimplications which illustrate its manifestations, can Vodun beassimilated with fetishism, or even outright naturalism? What relationships doesit establish between the practising individual and his entire cosmic, social andspiritual environment? Vodun: naturalism, fetishism or animism? Thesemay be naturalist, fetishist and animist expressions and manifestations, but thebasic vision to retain is that… The argument for naturalism and fetishism in Vodunrests on some epiphenomena of its practice: the Voduns are related todifferent concrete elements of the universe and are materialised throughspecific objects to which devotional cults are rendered and sacrifices areoffered (mounds of earth, metal bars, tree trunks…). Nothing wouldprevent us from seeing in this from the outset an attribution of soul and powersto common objects which, as a result, acquire a preponderant and terrifyingimportance. This begs the question: is the Vodun a person? Is it worthsomething in the absence of man above and beneath it? One answer to thisquestion might be that Vodun is nothing but an ethical and religiousstructure set up to serve authority in society. But this is just a limited viewof the Vodun reality. Certainpeople erroneously equate Vodun with fetish. Indeed, some wouldsee the Vodun cult as a coarse idolatry of material objects or as a cultof matter, without any consideration of its rich functionality which we shallillustrate below. Furthermore, it should be noted that these mistaken views aredue to ethnological approaches to the Vodun phenomenon which refrain fromarticulating its uniquely physical, cosmic and social function in religiousmediation. It is true that "Mê wê no ylo do Vodun b’ê non nyin Vodun"(it is because man calls it Vodun that it is Vodun). But rather thanseeing in it a power generated by the complex interaction of senses, intentions,gestures and spoken words, it is far more a question of the anthropologicalsupport which places Vodun in a symbolic system where it owes itsperformance to the necessary mediation of the physical, and therefore of matter
in general. It would thus be more correct to translate "Mê wê no ylo do Vodunb’ê non nyin Vodun" as: A personal attitude of recognition andacceptance is required for the sacred to become symbol. Vodun evokesthe mystery and what pertains to the divine. In this way the suspicion isremoved, at least as regards the essence, even if it remains in the somewhatdeviant manifestations of the Vodun phenomenon. The network ofrelationships of which Vodun is a symbol is yet another proof of this. Vodun and Gbe (life/world): Cosmogony Theword "gbê" which means "life", also means "theuniverse". It is this second meaning that we focus on here. The createduniverse in its cosmic deployment is not foreign to the deployment of Vodun.In the concrete expressions of the latter, there is a Vodun of the earth(Sakpata), a Vodun of the sky (Xêvioso), a Vodun ofthe sea (Agbé) and Vodun(s)representing the ancestors (Toxwyo),as we have seen. Indeed, all the elements of the universe are involved in the Vodunphenomenon. It is not that the mind-set of South Benin imagination conceives of
a Vodun cosmogenesis: Vodun is thus neither the generator nor thecreator of the universe. But its link to everything in nature is one ofmediation and of the protection of man. In fact, its link with "Gbê"only finds its meaning through its link with "Gbêto" (man).
Vodun and Gbeto (Man): Anthropology Thereligiosity manifest in man through the Vodun phenomenon makes him asubject who places himself at the service of its symbolism. And while servingit, he makes use of it in return. Furthermore, what men call Vodun, isthe unknowable, mystery, the ineffable when it comes to natural elements; it isthe extraordinary, the hero, the unbeatable, the powerful when it is a questionof human beings. Before the name Vodun is given to them, they arereferred to as "nu mê sên" (venerable thing; worthy of adoration).This gives rise to the cults and their impacts. After objectively identifyingthe Vodun, man becomes its subject. Henceforth, not a single aspect ofhis life escapes his object of adoration and veneration. The Fá ,messenger of the Vodun(s), intervenes while a child is still in hismother’s womb, to identify his destiny and, if need be, to avert it.Similarly, throughout all the stages of life, from birth, and through thedifferent existential situations, the Vodun faithful will feel enfoldedin the omnipresence of Vodun, and will constantly benefit from thewatchful and protective eye of the Pantheon, with all the consequences of thissolicitude. But curiously and paradoxically, Vodun does not"accompany" a faithful in death, to the beyond. At the funeral of a Vodunadept, a rite exists to remove the spirit of the Vodun of which he isthe "spouse", so as to leave him to his fate. Here there are perhapstwo meanings that are important to note. Firstly, the Vodun takes care ofthe living and not of the dead; secondly, Vodun is essentially anintermediary between man and God the Creator, to whom he simply delivers himwhen he dies. Asa principle of mediation for man, Vodun also plays an important role inthe organisation of human society. Religious initiation and educational plan in the context of Vodun Àgbasa-yiyi: "access to the living room" and discovering the joto TheÀgabasa-yiyi is of capital importance in the lives of Fon men. It is thefirst of a series of three rites of initiation to the Fá through whichthe Fon pass. Of the three, Àgabasa-yiyi is fundamentally the mostimportant one through which everyone must pass. Young girls and boys can beinitiated to the second degree of Fá, but only men can reach the thirddegree of initiation. Initiation, as Fr B. Adoukonou points out,"represents one of the essential means invented by Africans to transmit ina lively and existential way what for lack of a better expression we shall callthe fundamental parameters of life. These three initiations to the Fá are inreligious terms of a type that is intermediate between a purely profaneinitiation to history… and a consecration to Vodun which can go as faras a crisis of possession". The Àgabasa-yiyi ceremony has norigorously fixed date. It never takes place before at least three lunar monthsafter birth. Thepurpose of Àgabasa-yiyi is to introduce the child to the familycommunity in the "living room" (Agbasa) of the representative of theeponymous Ancestor. It is the rite of the integration of a child or of severalchildren of the same generation within the family community including thedeceased members, the living and the Spirits which protect the family. Theconsultation of the Fá by the Bokonon,"Diviner-Healer", reveals the child’s Joto, in other words,the Vodun, "divinity" or the Mêxo (Ancestor; sometimesdeified) who, in him, is "sent" to the family by the Great Sê.The Joto is a "reference to a protective force. It is… a dynamicelement which intervenes in the constitution of the individual’spersonality". The Joto is the Ancestor whose vital influx animatesthe child. He is referred to as Sê-Joto or Sê mêkokanto (Sêgatherer of the earth of the human body); he who presents to the Creator-God theclay out of which has been fashioned the body of the newcomer to the Land ofLife (Gbê Tomê). He is the force, the vital and spiritual energy, which modelsand directs the existence of the person; hence the title Sê (Protector)that is given to him. The Joto is "Father of the coming intoexistence", the direct collaborator of Mawu in the generation of the child. Oncethe Joto is known, he is given a welcome: "Sê doo nú wè"(You are welcome, O sê!), and as his "other self" and underprotection, he is welcomed through the rite of Jono Kpikpé (encounter,welcome of the stranger, the guest). In principle, the child does not receivethe name of his Joto. He can however be addressed by this name from timeto time in order to remind him of it. This name can sometimes prevail if theperson concerned is one day called and consecrated to the cult of his Joto."In such cases, the name becomes a real name in religion. It is formallyforbidden, under severe penalties, for the individual to be called by anothername". Despitethe terminological ambiguities inevitably encountered in the formulation of theterm Joto, any idea of reincarnation should be absolutely discarded: thechild is not the reincarnation of his Joto Ancestor. The Fon religiousbelief holds that the individual Sê is immortal. When a person dies andenters the Yêsùnyimê (world of the Spirits, metaphysical world), theindividual Sê goes back to Sêgbo (the Great Sê), in otherwords, to his origins, his original state. In his role as Joto, it is hewho places his hand on the head of the candidate to life (Alodotanumêto)"to take him in a way under his protective shadow". There is noreincarnation in the proper sense, but a transmission of the personality. Theindividual soul of the Joto does not become incarnate in his protégé,but the Joto transmits to the latter "his sociological part, hisstatus and his role". A proof of this is that several persons living at thesame time can have and indeed most often do have the same Joto. TheSê-mekokanto (the ancestor who gathered the clay with which the body ofthe new-born child has been fashioned) imprints on the child his socialpersonality, what he has become "through his social and active commitmentin the historical process" which "he embodied in his lifetime andwhich is maintained by the group that will educate the new-born child inaccordance with the master" ( … ) "The social personality, theactive commitment and the historical conscience that the ancestor hands down tohis descendent constitute a psychological heritage which gives meaning to hislife and coincides with the above-mentioned directives. The protector ancestorcomes to materialise the right to safeguard and maintain life as well as that toact in such a way that it flourishes and develops fully. In this way the Sê-mekokanto(the protector ancestor) ensures the growth of the family life of which he wasthe first or one of the first important links…". TheJoto is sometimes assisted in his task by another Ancestor or DivineSpirit, acting as an auxiliary Joto or companion to the first one. Thisarrangement is fully consistent with the link-strengthening process, a realitythat is viewed by the Fon as an inalienable value. Toidentify the Joto, one first needs to have determined the Dùwhich reveals it. Dù is the name given to the signs or figures that aremeaningful within the divination system of the Fá. These are the seriesof signs that serve to reveal the Joto’s self. Henceforth the revealingDù and the Joto constitute two components inseparable from eachother and intrinsic in the personal, social and religious destiny of theindividual, as well as in his project of fulfilment. While Joto is theindividual’s typological reference, Dù is "the sought andwelcomed will of a Desired Third Party" (Sêgbo) coming as an epiphany,i.e. manifested by the Joto. Dù is the "word of theoracle", the voice of the Supreme Being on each person who comes intoexistence. As the voice of Sê, Dù is also the way that Sêtraces and indicates for man. Because, "the world is without measure, butwe cannot live without measure", thus speaks angoulevan. Dùis the word of life given and entrusted temporarily to parents as a measure ofguidance for the one who has just made his entry into the land of life (Gbêtomê)and into the world of men (Gbêtolê mê). He traces the path he is to follow,in other words he establishes the ordinances or laws (Sù) according to which hewill have to avoid death-bearing acts both for himself and for others, and actsdetrimental to the community’s integrity. Until a child reaches the age ofreason, it is the mother who respects the ordinances of his Dù. Ingeneral, mothers take upon themselves the responsibility and the concern tofollow these ordinances for the rest of their lives, for and with theiroffspring, even when they are adult. By this gesture, they demonstrate that thelife preserved in a family member is a gain in vitality for all and thateveryone must co-operate in maintaining it. Throughthe Àgbasi-yiyi rite, the Fon individual is recognised as a true memberof his family, since his link with the ancestors, mystical foundations of thefamily, is determined by it. Through his Joto, his integration among theliving members of the family is reinforced all the more by his being tied to thedeceased members. The Agbasa rite has two dimensions: while thepossession of a Joto confers a social status on a person, thedetermination of his Dù, "Word of the oracle on his power offulfilment", recognises his individual character. Thus there is reciprocalinteraction between social status and the status of the individual. Thosewho have not been through the rite of Àgbasi-yiyi have neither personalnor community status: "no word of the oracle supports them in life" (Edo du é ji à). If these points of reference, the Joto and the Dù,are not known by their families, they remain strangers, men without roots. Hencethe anxious question of a Fon faced with another who shows a habitualbehavioural imbalance: E ka yi àgbasa n’i à? "has the rite of Àgbasi-yiyibeen accomplished for him?". The same question is often asked spontaneouslyas regards the ceremony of SunkÚnkÚn, E ka kosun n’i à? "Hasthe rite of Sunkunkun been accomplished for him?" It is said of a personwhose behaviour raises such questions that his spirit is not at rest: "Ayiton huhwê à; ayi ton j’ayi à"; the spirit is agitated. This agitationis a manifestation of an inner, social and religious lack of harmony. It isconsidered that it cannot be otherwise, because neither this person nor theothers have a knowledge of the sublime will of the "Great Sê" whichgives meaning to his life, the "word of the oracle" which governs anddirects the individual’s life. Listeningto history and tales strengthens the character of the young; their moralformation, largely based on examples received, combines the imitation of elders,particularly Ancestors (history) with that of heroes (tales).
Religious education Common initiation Aneducation which does not assume moral and religious values as essential is notan education of quality. Religious conviction gives meaning to behaviour andmoral choices. Fon religious education, according to Mgr. A.T. Sanon, leads theindividual to "sense the invisible through the visible and concrete": -Nu kplon mê o, (moral) education,eno zé do we place it onNumêsênlêsin ali nu: the path of "the-beings-to-be-adored"(divinities
and ancestors):Vodunlé do lè a Vodun has ordered such and such a thingSakpatagbê do Sakpata has forbiddenEma wa nu le o. such a thing to be done.Numêsênlêwê e so It is mainly "the-beings-to-be-adored"Donukon taùn that we have put forwardBodo kplon nù vilê na to educate the children. Atthe heart of the Fon man there is a religious "fear" which, at themoment of moral action takes the form of a deep conviction: it is the E-gblé-ma-kú(may-I-die-if-it-goes-wrong: the determination to succeed) which we find in ourelders. This adamant conviction has fundamentally contributed to keeping thepeace in society. No compromises would be tolerated, whoever the perpetratormight be. The
young Fon is faced with his religious responsibilities as soon as he reaches theage of Do so kan nu (12 or 13). His parents teach him to know his Jotoand his Dù: "Dù le wê jo wê, bo nù le vê wè" (you areborn under such and such a "sign", you are under the protection ofsuch and such a "Dù", and it is ill-fated for you to do such and suchor to eat such and such). Until this point, he has been allowed not to observethe ordinances of his Dù, given his young age. His mother acted on his behalf.Henceforth, it is up to him to respect these ordinances, even if his mothercontinues to do so for him. Life is maintained by individuals for one another,but everyone must maintain it if it is to be preserved and increased. If it istrue that we walk for each other, it is also true that each one walks forhimself. Only this way will all attain the fullness of life. Agoo-ma-yi-sogwéis the stage that marks late adolescence (around the age of twenty). At thistime the second initiation to the Fá takes place, known as Fá-sinsên(adoration of the Fá) or Fá-yi-yi (reception of the Fá). At this stagein their lives, boys and girls are generally in a growth crisis. It is said thata youth is "disturbed" by the Fá. He or she must "receive"and "adore" the Fá, in other words, "in a public religious act,conform his or her will to that of the Supreme Being of whom the Fá is themessenger (Fá Gbêwêndoto). Youthful freedom struggling for self-control mustutter the most profound ‘yes’ to the will of God (Gbê) in order to becomestronger". The consultation of the Fá reveals the "sign" (Dù)under which the boys or girls present themselves. This will be the Dù (word ofthe oracle) of their adolescence. For each one and with each one, the Bokonon(diviner-healer) removes the Adrà, in other words he offers thesacrifice that clears their path (i.e. their lives) of obstacles, accidents andmisfortunes (Adrà). They are given the Fá and they receive it: it is the wordof Mawu-Gbêdoto (God) for each one as he definitively leaves"childhood" to enter adult life. Thethird initiation to the Fá is reserved for male candidates alone. Theyaccede to it as adults. It is the door, although a narrow one, to the secrets ofthe Fá divination system. It is called Fá-titê (consultation of theFá), a rite through which the Fá (son of Fá) "receives therevelation of the whole of his destiny". The candidate is no longer onlythe one for whom the consultation is made, but also the one who consults forhimself. Needless to say, given the esoteric character of this initiationcompared to the previous ones, non-initiates and women are not even admitted asspectators. The ceremony takes place in the Fázun (the wood, bush orforest of the Fá). As a master-initiator the candidate has a Bokonon.With hands joined containing a "hand" of sacred nuts, he prays threetimes to Mawu-Gbêdoto (God the Creator) for him to send the Fávi’sJoto, in other words the one who presented God with the clay that served tocreate the Fávi alongside his protégé. Then under the protection of his Joto,the Fávi manipulates the Fágbo (great Fá with 36 nuts) to extract thepartial figures of the Dù (sign of the oracle) which he writes on theground as they come out. Once the sign is formed, the Jogbana (theassistant to the Bokonon in the ceremony) reads it aloud. He then gathers up theearth where the Dù inscription is written and places it in a cloth sack. Thisconstitutes the Kpoli of the Fávi: it is the visible sign of thespiritual principle that is in man, i.e. the visible sign of Sê. Anotherconsultation is held to ensure that the sign which emerged is for the good ofthe Fávi. A positive answer from the Fá is greeted with joy andsatisfaction by everyone. A negative answer leads to an offering of sacrificesto cast off Kù (death), Azon (illness), Hwê (guilt andlegal summons), Hên (poverty, wretchedness). At the end of thissacrifice of exorcism, the Fávi takes a ritual bath in flowing water. The Fávi’shair, nails, a piece of his loin-cloth and everything that in him thatsymbolises impurity are buried in the sacred wood. Everyone then returns to thehouse of the Bokonon, the "spiritual Father" of the Fávi. "Ifthe esoteric meaning of the signs is not readable for the casual consultant, itis for the Fávi, at least in part, once he emerges from the Fázun(sacred wood). Indeed before he leaves, the diviner summarily reveals thequalities of the sign found during the consultation. Later, a more substantialexplanation is given to him in the house, first by the colleagues of theinitiator, then by the man himself". Throughoutthe initiation period, the Fávi is not allowed to have sex: he is in a periodof close and special relationship with the sacred. Sexual continence disposesthe candidate to preserving all his vital energy for the benefit of hisencounter with the "divine power"; it enables the sacred energy tooperate effectively on the candidate, free of any hindrance. The lifting of thesex ban happens on the third day after he has returned from the Fázun(the wood of the Fá). It happens after a futher consultation of the Fá to makesure that the Fávi’s Dù came for his good. After this consultationand the lifting of the sex ban, the Bokonon makes recommendations to the Fávi: "Thisis a sort of tradition in the constitution of his new state. There is a stresson the meaning of the sense of brotherhood there should be with all the otherFávi and on the respect and attachment there should be for the spiritual fatherand all the other Bokonons". Finallythe Fávi is clothed in a brand new white loin-cloth, then he goes homewith his Fá. He is a full initiate as regards the order of the stages reservedto common man. Henceforth, he knows "the meaning of life" and themeaning of his own life, he "knows" his personal destiny. The "Novitiate" of the vodunsi: "School of life" The
very day a child enters the Hun-kpamè or Vodun-Kpamê (Vodun enclosure),i.e. Vodun convent, the Vodun (Divinity) takes possession of thechild, girl or boy, who has chosen it. He or she is therefore Vodunsiipso facto and, for three months, will be Kajèkaji (a gourd whoincreases the number of gourds): a neophyte. What we call "novitiate"is therefore the process by which they will be made to become in fact what theyalready are mystically. Theneophytes are supervised by the xwégan (head of house), the Kangan(master of the rope) in charge of discipline, then there are the Hunso andthe Nagbo who are "novice" master and mistress respectively.The Hunkpamê (the convent) is a harsh school of renunciation andendurance. Within it, the elect are initiated to the cult of their"spouse", the Vodun to whom they are consecrated for theirwhole life. Initiation to the Vodun is a particularly important momentthat deeply marks the life of the individual. Its aim is gradually to lead theprofane from non-existence to their existence as sacred persons; the noviceundergoes a series of separations which are each a death to the previous profanelife. Before anything else, the Vodunsi must make a solemn vow ofabsolute discretion as regards what they have seen and heard or will see andhear in the convent. Any Vodunsi who cannot keep quiet about what is toremain secret and act with the veneration that is due to the sacred object hecarries on his head will be a traitor. Failure to observe the rules ofinitiation, of consecration and of proper behaviour in the profane environmentis an infidelity and a threat to the authority, not of men, but of the Divinity.One exposes oneself by this to the unpleasant effects of his anger. Those guiltyof it can only make amends by paying a large fine and acceding to the rites of Flá(conjuration) and Wùslasla (purification). Inthe pedagogy of initiation, the neophyte is required to prove his capacity forendurance in the formation trials; these formation trials are themselves acondensed form of the trials of life. Training through trials, which is alreadya characteristic of the Fon educational system in general, finds its strongestexpression in the Hunkpamê. Discipline and tenacity are essential, andcorporal punishment serves to develop these. In this respect it can be said"the body records knowledge". Each Vodunsi "stores up inhis body, the soil in which the initiatory word is sown by means of gestures,attitudes, rhythms and, if need be, flagellation": the teacher’s wordsand gestures must be memorised and reproduced exactly by the students. Thepedagogy of initiation involves the transmission of words and gestures, whichrequires action both by the group of initiators and by that of the "initiands"."Mind, heart and body work together to build the total man". Apartfrom learning the Vodun language, cultural chants and dances, to satisfythe material needs of the convent and the Hunnon (Vodun highpriest) the young "must devote themselves at fixed times to working in thefields and manual tasks: making baskets, mats and raffia cloth…which are thensold in the local markets by the convent servants". There is no "dolcefar niente" in the initiation period; laziness is to be hated like theplague; "Kajêkaji mo no do hwemê mlon" they say: "the neophytedoes not take siestas". TheVodunsi, male or female, must show maturity and be serious in matters of
religion. In this way they are to contribute to the balance and order, social,cultural and religious integrity of their community and people. Before returningto the world of non-initiates, after their consecration and initiation, amongother recommendations they are urged to cultivate a sense of brotherhood withall the other Vodunsi, to respect the Vodun and to feelresponsible for the land of their Ancestors. The ceremony of the giving of sandto the ex-Kajêkaji is significant in this respect: "Aboutfifteen years after I was Kajêkaji, the Vodunun gathered all the Vodunsiof my year and told us that he was going to lock us up in a retreat ("xwemi do xo"). We had been told to utter a strident shout ("gbo")all the way from our houses to the Vodunon. He put a little earth in ourleft hand. With this gesture of offering earth, he said: "Danxome ko tonyedie emi so do alomê nu hwi ma nu e jê ayi gbede o" (Here is the earth ofthe Danxomê which I place in your hands, let it never fall!)" Vodun: from Hennu (family) to To (country): sociology
Hênnudesignates the family, reduced or extended, the first unit of socialorganisation. It is a blood-line community, united by a single ancestor, withfood or moral prohibitions, family Vodun cults and divinities to whichthe family is loyal. Tò is a grouping of several families or several xwè(parental enclosures). As in the family, it too has a hierarchy of prohibitions(Tosu), prescribed sacred practices (sin), protector Vodun(s)(Tovodun) and priests dedicated to the cult. Here, more than at thefamily level, the reciprocal influence of political and religious authority isapparent. More often than not, it is Vodun that prevails in theconsecration of customary chiefs. And generally the Vodun oracles arealso irrevocable: hence the fear they inspire and which provides for an easiertake-over control of social phenomena. In this way, in traditional society, asocial category without its Vodun(s) is fragile and bound to disappear.It should be noted here that quite apart from the ethnic or inter-ethnic Vodun(s),
most Vodun(s) are all the more efficient when they are of foreign origin,in other words, imported. Inactual fact, in view of these examples of the functional role of Vodun,we can but admit the instrumental dimension of the phenomenon: Vodun(s)are not ends in themselves, they all lead to a same end. Vodun and monotheism Byidentifying Vodun as an idolatrous fetishism or a superstitious animism,certain ethnologists came to the conclusion that the Vodun cult is theperfect illustration of polytheism. This is perhaps true with reference to thePantheon of Greek gods. But with every analogy explored and keeping things inproportion, even the unknown god to which a temple in Athens was dedicated inthe times of the Apostle Paul does not have the same value as the Mawu of SouthBenin to whom no cult is rendered and who is even invoked by all the priests ofall the Vodun(s). In fact, the Vodun phenomenon has a singleobjective although it has a multiplicity of expressions and manifestations. Itis the expression of homo religiosus through a given culture. In thecollective imagination of our people, the cult rendered to the divinities knownas Vodun(s) is a short-cut to the True God whose revelation is asyet lacking; ultimately, it is to this God that all worship is given, he whoalone is worthy of being adored. Indeed, in this same view, it is the Great Godwho created all men and all these Vodun(s), and gave them to men asintermediaries. Even if there has been a certain attempt at inculturation byseeing these intermediaries as stepping stones to the acceptance of JesusChrist as the unique mediator between God and man, it must be noted the terms ofthis comparison are disproportionate: Christ being the beyond of the models. Itclearly follows to speak of polytheism in the context of Vodun is hardlycorrect. Rather, it appears to be polyhedral monotheism which highlightsan active relationship with the cosmos, nature, phenomena and deceased humanbeings, in contrast with a direct relationship with God. Neither can one sayabsolutely that we are in the presence of a pantheist (God ineverything), it is rather pan-in-theist (everything in God). This stageis not far removed from the Christian belief in a single God. But this isnothing more than an apology of Vodun which would not be naïve andfallacious if Vodun were limited to this positive substance whichcharacterises it. CRITICAL APPROACH TO THE VODUN FUNCTIONALITY Vodun,in spite of its functional ramifications that we have just discovered and itsethical value that we shall proceed to demonstrate, also has some regrettablesides. We shall simply mention the two principal ones. From the sacred to violence Seeingcertain Vodun practices on the cultural and moral (behavioural)levels, one might be led to define it as the dictatorship of the sacred.Generally, in traditional religions, the sacred is what overcomes us and imposesitself upon us, that to which we ultimately entrust our forces and freedoms forit to protect us and ensure our happiness. In this sense we understand howsovereigns of kingdoms are not far from the sacred, in other words from beingdeified. In the case of Vodun, the sacred assumes an even more terrifyingdimension. A certain Vodun can seek vengeance. Another may kill. Yetanother may require human sacrifice… The man who has succeeded in enslavinghimself to a Vodun and mustered the necessary popular credit for this,can finally take any liberty. One easily forgets that it is a man speaking inthe name of the divinity. Sacred violence thus becomes normal, especially to theextent that exemplary reprisals are often ordered to dissuade those who might betempted to ask the reason why. This violence manifests itself as much at thelevel of the austerity of the Vodun convent mystique as at the level ofthe occult practices that are its adjuncts. It is even manifest simply on thelevel of Vodun cultural and folkloric demonstrations. In the face of thisviolence human freedom is totally without defence. It is enough for fate todesignate individuals for them to be forced into the convent. With the coming ofChristianity, the Church authorities had to fight intensely with the Vodunheads of convents in cases where catechumens were kidnapped. In comparison withthese cases of physical violence, the occult dimension of Vodun is evenmore frightening. Vodun and magic sorcery Withthe functionality of Vodun described above, one might say that it issimply a naturalist religion. However, the whole power of the phenomenon isbased on two meta-rational realities: magic and sorcery. It is these that conferupon it its power, the viability of its hierarchical structures and its creditwith the people. It is a complex universe which one cannot penetrate and emergefrom unscathed. What is even worse is the malefic use that is made of its power.The key words are Bô (charm) and Azé (sorcery). The former issupposed to protect from evil spells. But whoever knows how to make the antidotehas also known the poison… Thus the Bô can also be cast on someone asan evil spell: é do bo’é. As for Azé, it seems that theremust also be a protective sorcery called white sorcery. But there is nothingmore dangerous than this inextricable world where evil takes the shape of goodand imposes a code of conduct. It is precisely this connivance between Vodunand these esoteric circles of harm that always make a deep inculturationdifficult, given that in Vodun the cult aspects are amply mixed withcultural ones. DISTINGUISHING THE CULT FROM THE CULTURAL, A SINE QUA NON CONDITION FOR ANY ATTEMPT AT INCULTURATION Inthe cultural area of South Benin, which is the area I am addressing in mydiscourse, the deep influence of the religious phenomenon on the social,economic and political structures is undeniable. The present time is solidlyrooted in the time of the venerated ancestors; events, almost in their minutedetail, are explained, understood and lived in a certain continuity with thewill of the Vodun. The pharmacopoeia constitutes a major force of theconvents. Each family, each son or each large socio-geographic entity (the To)has its special Vodun which imposes itself as the primary area for thequest for existential meaning. Wisdom has as its base the fear of Vodun.Economic life receives the aid expected from the Vodun. "The artof arts, in other words politics, is marked by the Vodun reality". Fromthese various data collected at source, one might infer that the Vodunreligion imbues the social fabric to the point that worship may supplantculture. Sucha deduction is much more theoretical than real. Vodun does not absorb allthat is cultural. There is a strong tendency for religion to replace culture.What does recur is that the cult appropriates cultural elements. The religiouscult can claim for itself as meaningful signs (acts, gestures, words…)those by which man shows his relationship of communion with the transcendent. InVodun, this is a specific act of devotion and religiosity. The essentialacts of worship in the Vodun religion are sacrifices (of propitiationor thanksgiving), offerings and prayers. Communion meals and annualpurification rites complete the vast range of forms of ritual worship. The cult’simpact on cultural life goes through the moral prohibitions and prescriptionswhich emanate specifically from Vodun (Vodun-sù). This necessarydistinction between the cult and the culture is the unavoidable condition forsincere dialogue between this culture and Christianity, so as to start a processof inculturation. But this precise definition in no way seeks to insinuate thatthe religion as a whole is a negative, coarse idolatry. Ifthe truth is to be told, it must be recognised that the shortcomings, failuresand deviations of Vodun (charms, magic, sorcery, fetishism…)exploit the senses, the useful, in a quest for power. There is an unwarrantedsubstitution of symbols, signs for the pure material nature of the sign. Thisleads to superstitious and magical attitudes, widespread infusion of wickednessand terror in Vodun practices. Hence the perplexity and scepticism whenfaced with a Vodun that promotes a certain morality. In the Hênnu,the Ako (lineage) and the To, Vodun constitutes an elementof social cohesion. The regular ceremonies of each social entity’s particular Vodunprovide great moments of brotherhood in action. The followers of the same Vodunare bound by this Vodun’s specific prohibitions and legal
prescriptions. The Vodun rules establish a life of solidarity among theseindividuals: quarrels between followers of the same Vodun are generallysettled at the convent or at the Vodunun’s house. In addition, Voduntolerates no transgression of its prohibitions. This maintains among sincere Vodunadepts a permanent culture of fidelity. The total commitment of ex-Vodun adeptswho have converted to Christianity is a proof of this. Finally, it should benoted that if Vodun does not oppose the rules of life known as Gbêsu,it accepts them implicitly. These Gbêsu hold the destruction of life andthe betrayal of friends in abomination. The features to be focused on therefore,are the values of fraternity, solidarity, communion and religious fidelity,without forgetting the social prohibitions to which Vodun implicitly givecredit. CONCLUSION Toconclude this brief communication on the traditional Vodun religion ofBenin, I must point out that it was not possible to say everything, even onessential aspects. However, in spite of all the excesses to its discredit, Vodunin its purity remains a fertile ground for evangelisation. As a culturalphenomenon, it could offer numerous values to be Christianised. But the gordianknot remains the difficulty of setting it on the Paschal way. To empty Vodunof its magic and sorcery would be beneficial for the people of Benin. For thetime being, this seems an utopian enterprise, today more than in the past. Indeed,the seventeen years of Marxist-Leninist policies in Benin, 1972-1989, withanti-religious campaigns and witch-hunts, had contributed to diminishing theimportance and reducing the influence of Vodun. But with the coming ofdemocratic renewal since 1990, Vodun has regained vitality. From 28 Mayto 1 June 1991, a symposium of the great leaders of the Vodun cults washeld with the aim of restoring a certain degree of legal recognition for thistraditional religion. In 1993, a great international Vodun festival wasorganised and held in Benin: "Ouidah 92". Its effect was to foster itsrenewal. In the same year, Pope John Paul II’s visit and his highlymedia-enhanced meeting with Vodun leaders were taken by many Vodunfollowers, not as a sign of dialogue, but as the indication that the Church atlast recognises that the Vodun cult has its place. This combination ofcircumstances means that in Benin Vodun is currently organising andstructuring itself more and more as a traditional religion, with a nationalfeast (10 January) and a national hierarchy. In sum, to reach out to these Vodunadepts, the Church will no longer be able to use only the Bible and Holy Water,but above all will need dialogue.
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